Why This is Not the Time to Talk About a Palestinian State

Special Edition: Tel Aviv Diary, February 16, 2024

I believe in the two-state solution as the only viable means to resolve our conflict with the Palestinians. However, I also think that the Palestinians rank among the least entitled national groups globally to be granted statehood. Furthermore, I firmly believe that current moment is not the appropriate time to advocate for the establishment of a Palestinian state.

Why do I believe in a two-state solution? I support the two-state solution because there are two distinct peoples, each with claims to the same land. Therefore, ultimately, the only solution is to divide this land between them. Nevertheless, from my perspective, the Palestinians don't genuinely deserve their own state. The Palestinians have been offered this opportunity to establish their own state on multiple occasions — starting in 1947 with the rejection of the UN Partition Plan, through the proposals made during the Barak, Clinton, and Olmert plans. On each occasion, Palestinians chose conflict over compromise.

Moreover, the Palestinians were also pioneers in a wave of international hijacking, airplane bombings, and other forms of terrorism that are unique to them. They attacked buses and schools, and other targets, all in pursuit of their demands. Despite all of these acts of terror, as an Israeli, I wish the Palestinians eventually do establish their own state. I want them to develop into an independent, economically viable state, in which they can be proud. Perhaps then, they will no longer view my state, my land, with envy. Maybe then they will cease resorting to violence.

That being said, this juncture is the worst possible time to grant the Palestinians their own state. Four months ago, the Palestinians perpetrated the most severe atrocity in Jewish history since the Holocaust, marked by murder, rape, and the abduction of innocent civilians from their beds in communities along the border. There’s a perception among many in the international community, including some within the American administration that a small, unrepresentative group of Palestinians carried out these heinous acts. Regrettably, the reality is quite different.

Public opinion polls in both the West Bank and Gaza show that the majority of Palestinians support Hamas's actions on October 7th and thereafter. It’s important to highlight that the last time Palestinians went to the polls, they elected Hamas — even after the group had carried out suicide bombings that undermined the peace process. Hamas’s ability to carry out the attack on October 7th stemmed from its control over Gaza, providing the terrorist network with the governmental resources necessary for such an operation.

Now, after committing these abominable atrocities, the notion proposed by the international community that granting the Palestinians a state as a reward for their grotesque massacre is utterly unthinkable. Just because Hamas’s carnage has once again brought the Palestinian issue to the forefront does not justify this as the right time to reach a solution.

The establishment of a Palestinian state requires the consent of another party: Israel. There has never been a period in recent Israeli history when such a high percentage of the population opposes the creation of a Palestinian state. To most Israelis, a Palestinian state is perceived as a potential Hamas state. Palestinians have never been willing to accept the concept that a “Two-State solution” means a Jewish state and an Arab Palestinian state, as distinct and final entities — i.e., marking the end of the conflict, rather than another stage within it.

The signage, speeches, and statements at anti-Israeli rallies throughout the world do not simply call to "end the occupation.” They proclaim: “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free" — a phrase interpreted by many as a call for a Palestine to be free of Jews. Given this context, how can anyone reasonably expect Israel to grant Palestinians additional rights, most importantly, the right to statehood?

When Israel pulled out of Gaza in 2005, the hope was that Gaza could become the Palestinian equivalent of Singapore, or Hong Kong. Instead, Gaza became a large launching pad for attacks on Israel. Most Israelis, including myself, fear that any independent Palestinian state that comes into existence in the near-term would be, first and foremost, another launching pad for attacks against us.

As I said at the beginning, I believe in the two-state solution. Additionally, I do believe that we can begin a process through which a reformed Palestinian entity can assume civil governance over Gaza and the parts of the West Bank that are currently under the administration of the current Palestinian Authority. A reformed Palestinian Authority must commit itself to a long-term peace with Israel and guide its people towards that aim. It needs to convey to its citizens the reality that the aspiration of returning to the villages their ancestors left or were expelled from will never happen, and instead, focus on establishing a new nation within the territory currently available. This authority must prioritize educating its youth not in the ways of conflict and animosity, but in becoming constructive neighbors once they reside in an independent Palestinian state. Only after these prerequisites are met can discussions on a transition period of 10 to 20 years towards full independence commence.

It has been a brutal four months for Israel. No doubt, it has also been exceptionally difficult for Palestinians living in Gaza. But Israel did not initiate this new war. This war began with a surprise attack, at dawn on the Sabbath of a holiday weekend, violating the existing ceasefire that had been in place. While most Israelis support the idea of an independent Palestinian state, this support comes with the stipulation that the creation of such a state would not endanger Israel's security. Right now, so soon after October 7, when Israelis were confronted with the depth of the profound, deep-seated hatred Palestinians harbor towards us, it would be nearly impossible to convince a majority of Israelis that a Palestinian state would not constitute an existential threat.

Ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not like resolving almost any other dispute. It's an amalgam of religious, nationalistic, historical narratives, and grievances that can't be settled through a simple, straightforward agreement. Addressing this issue will take time, patience, and a long-term commitment to change the trajectory of our two peoples. In the aftermath of this devastating war, now would be a good time to initiate change. However, this process cannot begin with the presentation of plans for a Palestinian state; instead, the focus now should be on outlining strategies to change the trajectory of the conflict.

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