Tel Aviv Diary Special Edition

The Divide in Israel is Now Liberal vs Extremely Religious

(This is a longer version of an article I wrote for Newsweek)

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Today, a new government was sworn in, led by Prime Minister Netanyahu. This is by far the most right-wing government in Israel's history, and also undoubtedly the most religious government to serve the country. While the world is likely concerned about the right-wing nature of the government (including some members' plans for annexation of the West Bank), most Israelis who criticize the government are more disturbed by the religious nature of the new coalition and the extensive demands of the religious coalition partners

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Over the past two weeks, Israelis have been learning bit by bit about the details of the coalition agreement signed by the Likud party with its coalition partners. It has become clear that the old equation of right versus left is no longer relevant; instead, the new equation is liberal versus ardently religious.

This is the first government in Israel's history in which the majority of its members are religious men. While some Likud members are religious, the overwhelming number of religious Knesset members of the coalition come from the Likud's coalition partners. These partners are divided into two groups: the ultra-Orthodox (Ashkenazi and Sephardi) who believe Torah study is the most important profession, and seek to maintain their separate societies, while demanding the larger society pay to support them; and religious Zionists, who have a utopian vision for Israel as a religious nation ruling from the Mediterranean sea to the Jordan River. Both groups follow the directives of their rabbis, who have the ultimate say over their communities, particularly among the ultra-Orthodox.

Reading the coalition agreements, two major themes emerge. Among the ultra-Orthodox, there are measures to ensure their communities remain protected from outside interference, and to promote Torah study as equal in importance to military service — with the rest of the country expected to bear the burden of sustaining the IDF. MK Moshe Gafni, an ultra-Orthodox party leader, and now the chairman of the Knesset finance committee, recently stated “half the country should work and half will study Torah.” However, the "half that works" is not at all happy about being expected to financially support the growing ultra-Orthodox community. While the long-term economic challenges posed by the ultra-Orthodox have been well-documented, it took this election and the many outrageous demands met by incoming Prime Minister Netanyahu to highlight the extent of the threat. 

It was not long ago that thousands marched in the streets demanding the ultra-Orthodox share the military burden with the rest of the population. Now, those studying in yeshivot will receive more money than soldiers. The leader of the ultra-Orthodox party in the Knesset recently stated, “It is more difficult to study in a yeshiva than to be a soldier,” (i.e., because soldiers  only enter combat a small percentage of the time, while yeshivah students study diligently each and every day), further highlighting the divide between the ultra-Orthodox and the rest of society. I could fill two pages with all of the details of what the ultra-Orthodox received in the new coalition agreement, but it comes down to two main things — lots and lots of money, and eliminating any chance they would integrate into Israeli society at-large.

One final area that impacts the lives of average Israelis is the ultra-Orthodox parties' insistence on legally mandating the segregation of men and women on buses and at public events. This obsession with separating men and women and maintaining gender hierarchy is common among extreme religious groups in Israel and around the world. There are no women in the ultra-Orthodox parties, and they are leading the push to allow the Israeli Knesset to override decisions of the Supreme Court in a variety of issues, including the rights of women (as the court has previously ruled against the ultra-Orthodox on these issues).

The religious Zionists do not share the isolationist worldview of the ultra-Orthodox, although they tend to live in their own communities. Religious Zionist sons serve in the army, and their movement’s dream is to remake the rest of the country in their image. Religious Zionists are ultra-nationalists who believe God gave the land of Israel to the Jewish people, and that no one has the right to give away what God has bestowed. While they are not as isolated as the ultra-Orthodox, Religious Zionists do adhere to a fundamentalist form of Judaism. Many are homophobic, and believe in limited opportunities for women. At the direction of their rabbis, they oppose the full integration of women in the army. Many of their daughters choose to do national service in hospitals and schools instead of military service. Their coalition agreement calls for changing the Basic Laws that prohibit discrimination. Under their changes, it would be legal to discriminate based on religious principles. According to one of their leaders, this means that a doctor could refuse care to a patient if that doctor deems the patient objectionable on religious grounds. They claim that this is not discrimination, but rather “freedom of choice”.

Several Ministers from the Religious Zionist parties have achieved unprecedented power in the new government— including one appointed Finance Minister, and another selected to serve as Minister of National Security. Both of these Ministers were previously suspected of terrorist activities, with one even being convicted. However, in a government where the Prime Minister is currently on trial for corruption, and the Minister of Interior twice convicted of corruption, these concerns may not be given much weight. The Knesset, under the direction of the new government, has even changed the country’s Basic Laws to allow the Minister of Interior to serve despite his previous convictions.

While there are many aspects of the new government some find objectionable, it is important to acknowledge that they democratically won the election — albeit by a small margin of less than half of one percent. Their mandate from the voters was to address issues such as improving the police and addressing inflation. However, they did not receive a mandate to increase the influence of the ultra-religious in the daily lives of Israelis, or to maintain a permanent and expanding welfare state for the ultra-Orthodox. Furthermore, Israelis did not vote to enshrine discrimination in the laws of the country. All of these measures are unpopular amongst a broad spectrum of the population, including many who voted for parties in this coalition.

This new government, which took two months to form, will not receive a 100-day honeymoon period, as the actions and statements of many of its members have deeply alarmed secular Israelis. Some coalition agreements are not worth the paper they are written on, but in this case, with a Prime Minister on trial, it is expected that the coalition partners will demand the agreed terms be fulfilled. If they do, Israel's silent majority, which is secular and centrist in their political views, will not remain silent. Most Israelis see themselves as part of the first world, with a high standard of living, and high levels of personal freedom. They are unlikely to stand by and watch that vision become irreparably damaged.

Despite it all, I wish the new government well, as Israel faces many external challenges. However, it is often internal weakness that dooms a country, not a belligerent neighbor.