DAY 654 OF THE WAR: Another Soldier Falls in Gaza; Reserve Duty Call-Ups Reduced; Netanyahu Moves to Oust Edelstein Ahead of Draft Bill; Israel Launches New Strikes on Houthis

Tel Aviv Diary, July 21, 2025

Just as we were finishing this update, those dreaded words flashed once again on my screen: hutar l’pirsum—"authorized for publication.” Tonight, it was Sergeant Amit Cohen (19), from Holon of the Golani Brigade, who fell in Khan Younis

.One of the day’s first major stories this morning came with the announcement by the IDF Chief of Staff that the number of reserve officers called to duty be reduced by 30% in the coming months. The reason is straightforward: Israel’s reserve forces are stretched beyond their limits and reaching a breaking point.

According to reports, division commanders have begun requesting to be relieved of duty, with some facing intense personal strain—particularly from spouses threatening divorce—after serving 300 to 400 days in uniform over the past year and 9 months. It’s simply too much, and the military can no longer maintain this level of deployment. As a result, there will be fewer reserve troops in Gaza—assuming Israel is still operating there—as well as in the West Bank and along the Lebanese border.

Israeli tanks advanced into parts of Deir al-Balah on Monday, prompting alarm among families of the hostages. The area had long been considered off-limits due to suspicions that captives were being held there. The IDF now asserts that it has received intelligence confirming no hostages are present in the specific zones currently being targeted.

MK Orit Stuk of the Religious Zionist Party—who holds posts as both a deputy minister and cabinet minister—was asked during a radio interview whether the IDF should operate in areas previously deemed off-limits, even at the risk of endangering hostages. Struk acknowledged that while every effort should be made to avoid hostage deaths, some might still be harmed—a risk she deemed necessary to defeat Hamas. Her remarks sparked outrage and drew swift condemnation from families of the hostages and others.

Separately, widely circulated reports claiming Israel had killed 70 Gazans near a aid truck were later disproven and walked back: in fact, two people were killed—and not by the IDF.

NETANYAHU MOVES TO OUST EDELSTEIN, AMID DRAFT BILL STANDOFF

Political tension mounts, as Prime Minister Netanyahu—still recovering from illness—has taken steps to shore up his fragile coalition by targeting Knesset Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Yuli Edelstein for replacement.

Edelstein, often described as "obstinate," has resisted pressure from Netanyahu and ultra-Orthodox leaders to advance a controversial draft bill that would effectively grant sweeping exemptions from military service to most ultra-Orthodox men. Although Edelstein had already made significant concessions, they fell short of ultra-Orthodox demands—prompting them to withdraw support from the coalition.

Netanyahu’s solution: replace Edelstein with a more loyal, compliant Likud member. However, sidelining Edelstein, a veteran lawmaker with an independent power base within the party, is no simple task. Netanyahu has reportedly thrown his support behind newer MKs whose chief qualification appears to be personal loyalty—an approach already drawing criticism as politically shortsighted.

The ultra-Orthodox parties have indicated that removing Edelstein won’t be enough. They also question whether any revised draft bill would withstand legal scrutiny. Without the backing of the committee’s legal adviser—and, by extension, the Knesset’s legal adviser—such legislation could be swiftly struck down by the Supreme Court.

Beyond the legal hurdles, Netanyahu may be misreading his own voter base. While many of his supporters are right-leaning and prioritize national security, they also widely serve in the military—and their resentment toward sweeping ultra-Orthodox draft exemptions is growing.

Netanyahu appears to be betting that voters will forget this controversy by the time elections are held—perhaps more than a year from now. But this could prove to be a political miscalculation—another October 6th moment—underestimating what Israeli voters will tolerate.

Despite some wartime achievements, Netanyahu’s poll numbers remain stagnant. If he continues down this path— moving to oust a veteran party member for standing up to coalition pressure, he may be inflicting lasting damage on what remains of his political legacy.

HOUTHIS

Meanwhile, Israel carried out another strike today on the Houthi-controlled port of Hodeida in Yemen—this time using drones and at least one aerial refueling aircraft. The operation targeted equipment being used to repair damage from earlier Israeli strikes, with the goal of keeping the port inoperable for as long as possible, particularly if the Houthis resume launching attacks on Israel.

Earlier in the day, a drone launched from Yemen was intercepted before it could enter Israeli airspace.

TODAY’S RADIO SHOW

TWO WORTHWHILE ARTICLES

Two articles caught my attention today that I believe are worth discussing. The first by Ezra Klein, "Why American Jews No Longer Understand One Another." The second by Gershon Baskin, poses the pressing question, When is it too much?

In many ways, the two pieces serve as mirror images of one another—reflecting parallel concerns, yet shaped by fundamentally different perspectives. Both speak to deeply personal experiences I’ve had throughout my life.

Ezra Klein’s column struck a chord with me more in my capacity as an academic than on a personal level. Having spent decades studying American Jewry, I recognize the growing generational divide Klein describes. Older American Jews—“older” being a fluid term—tend to remain firmly supportive of Israel.

In contrast, younger Jews—growing in both number and intensity—are increasingly outraged by Israel’s actions, with many turning against the state or disengaging altogether. The result is a widening generational rift within families, where younger members often express disbelief that their parents or grandparents can defend what they view as a state committing war crimes.

The older generation, in turn, cannot comprehend how their children could turn their backs on Israel at what they see as its moment of greatest need. This generational divide is playing out against a backdrop of rising antisemitism in the United States—an unsettling mix of age-old hatreds and newer forms that conflate all Jews with the actions of the Israeli state. And yet, Israel has done little, if anything, to address this growing rupture or to engage the next generation in any meaningful or lasting way.

The second piece, by Gershon Baskin, felt much closer to home. Written by former American-Israeli veteran social and political activist, (best known for his efforts in the negotiations to free Gilad Shalit), the column captures the moral weight of Israel’s war in Gaza—and the inescapable way it has pulled him back in. Gershon’s experience parallels mine more closely, having moved to Israel just a few years after I did. At the end of this week, I’ll mark 50 years since I first arrived—an astonishing milestone to reflect on.

Gershon writes from a place of deep pain and anguish, burdened by what Israel is doing in Gaza. Like many of us, he carries a sense of indirect responsibility—an emotional burden that’s impossible to set aside.

While individual military actions may well be legally justified—and most likely are—the sheer scale of destruction is difficult to fathom. Gershon writes with that weight in mind. Gershon’s son recently asked him when he might consider leaving Israel. His reply: only if Itamar Ben-Gvir became Prime Minister. He stays not because it’s easy, but because there is no other place that feels like home. I feel the same.

Last summer, I met with a friend I immigrated here with half a century ago. We wondered aloud whether we made the right choice. At this point, there’s no going back. And this remains the only place I want to fight to change.

A politically active friend asked me yesterday how I was feeling. I told him, “Both optimistic and pessimistic.” Optimistic, because I sense the current government’s days are numbered, and that Netanyahu may finally be ready to end the war and bring the hostages home. But pessimistic, because I’m not sure we, as a nation can find our way back from this. We are in such a deep, dark place on so many fronts—climbing out won’t be easy.