DAY 647 OF THE WAR: Three Soldiers Fall in Gaza; Two Ultra-Orthodox Parties Exit Coalition; Knesset Fails to Oust Ayman Odeh; Ofakim Oct. 7 Battle Report Released

Tel Aviv Diary, July 14, 2025

It’s been another day of tense anticipation here in Israel—waiting to hear from President Trump’s Special Envoy Steve Witkoff. Trump stated that an important announcement is expected from him soon, but so far, there’s been no word.

While Israel impatiently continues to wait, intense fighting in Gaza goes on. Tragically, three IDF soldiers were killed in northern Gaza today: Staff Sgt. Shoham Menahem (21) from Moshav Yardena, Sgt. Shlomo Yakir Shrem (20) from Efrat, and Sgt. Yuliy Faktor (19) from Rishon Lezion. All were killed when their tank exploded in Northern Gaza. The tank commander sustained serious injuries.

In a separate incident, a soldier was found dead at a base in northern Israel in what the military believes was a suicide—the third such case reported in the IDF over the past two weeks.

Prime Minister Netanyahu met last night with his inner circle of security advisors, along with Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, in an effort to win their backing for a potential agreement—if one is indeed on the table.

The uncertainty drags on, leaving families to endure yet another day living in limbo. Meanwhile, the fighting in Gaza continues. Israeli troops are advancing slowly and cautiously, navigating a landscape riddled with ambushes, improvised explosive devices, and other hidden threats.

At last night’s meeting, Prime Minister Netanyahu and his advisors held a lengthy discussion about the government’s controversial plan to build a so-called “humanitarian city” in Rafah. The Army remains opposed to the initiative, citing its immense cost, the manpower it would require, the lengthy timeline, and serious questions surrounding its legal legitimacy.

Despite their objections, the IDF presented a proposal estimating the project would take a year to build and cost roughly 10 billion shekels. The plan was met with dissatisfaction from Netanyahu, who reportedly told the IDF Chief of Staff, “Come back with a better plan.”

However, behind the scenes, it’s clear the army doesn’t actually want a better plan. The IDF Chief of Staff made his position clear: he wants no plan at all—and no involvement in what the military views as an ill-conceived political venture.

DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL IN THE KNESSET

Back in Jerusalem, the government remains mired in political theatrics—this time, with a failed attempt to expel MK Ayman Odeh from the Knesset. The vote, held Monday night, fell short of the required 90-member supermajority, with 73 voting in favor, 15 opposed, and 32 absent. The vote was all but doomed as tensions grew between the coalition and the ultra-Orthodox parties, who continue to threaten a walkout.

Odeh faced expulsion over remarks made following a hostage release, in which he said he was pleased by both the return of Israeli hostages and the release of Palestinian prisoners. He also issued a separate statement criticizing the Israeli occupation. The effort to oust Odeh sparked concern among critics, who warned that punishing lawmakers for expressing controversial views—however unpopular—raises serious, troubling questions about the state of Israel’s democracy.

Perhaps more surprising was the support the motion received from several self-identified liberal lawmakers, including members of Benny Gantz’s National Unity party and Yesh Atid—among them, opposition leader Yair Lapid. Their maneuver seems calculated to appease both camps: on one hand, they likely expected the Supreme Court would overturn any expulsion, offering the government yet another pretext to attack the judiciary. On the other, they seemed wary of alienating right-leaning voters.

In today’s wartime political climate, dissent in Israel has become increasingly fraught. Criticism of government policy is often met with accusations of disloyalty—or even treason. Ironically, public opinion has shifted so dramatically that a majority of Israelis now oppose the government’s official stance, raising serious questions about the political calculations of centrist leaders who continue to court the right.

Ultimately, the effort to expel Ayman Odeh from the Knesset fell short of the required threshold, and he will remain in office.

Personally, I find Odeh a disappointment. Over a decade ago, I interviewed Odeh and saw the potential for a new kind of leadership—one that sought to integrate Arab citizens into Israeli society while steering clear of the larger Arab-Israeli conflict. However, whether due to political pressures or shifting priorities, Odeh ultimately veered from that path.

Amid the political turmoil, frantic negotiations were underway to prevent the ultra-Orthodox Degel HaTorah party from leaving the coalition. Party leaders demanded that the head of the Knesset’s Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee present, by night’s end, a written draft of legislation that would exempt their sons from military service.

The bill was ultimately submitted—but, according to Degel HaTorah representatives, it differed from the version agreed upon prior to the outbreak of the war with Iran. As a result, they announced their intention to withdraw from the government. Late tonight, the Agudat Yisrael party announced that they will be resigning from the coalition as well.

Meanwhile, a special government committee convened today to press forward with efforts to dismiss Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara. Under Israeli law, any public official facing termination is entitled to a hearing—known as a shemua—to present their case. Yet the process for removing an attorney general is clearly defined: the law stipulates that only the committee that originally appointed them can carry out their removal.

The government, unable to secure a majority on the appointment committee, has instead sought to establish a new, irregular process. Yesterday, Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, widely viewed as a conservative, declined to block the government’s alternative proceedings, arguing that the court could only intervene after the process had concluded— a legal position that has drawn criticism for effectively green-lighting a potentially unlawful procedure.

The committee, ostensibly meant to be impartial, is composed entirely of members who have all publicly declared their intent to fire the Attorney General. Their motivation is clear: Baharav-Miara has repeatedly blocked what she deems as illegal government initiatives and has advocated for enforcing the military draft of the ultra-Orthodox—who currently enjoy an exemption with no legal basis.

While Baharav-Miara often works to find legal pathways to accommodate government policies, her firm insistence on the rule of law has made her a consistent and persistent obstacle to the coalition’s broader agenda.

AIRSTRIKE RAISES QUESTIONS ABOUT ISRAEL-SYRIA NORMALIZATION EFFORTS

Amid continued talk of normalization and potential peace with Syria, the Israeli Air Force recently conducted an airstrike targeting Syrian tanks in the country’s south. The strike was justified on the grounds that the tanks posed a threat to the local Druze population—an ethnic and religious minority Israel has long pledged to protect. The broader implications of the incident for Israel-Syria relations remain unclear, raising questions about how such military actions align with parallel diplomatic efforts.

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SUMMARY OF THE IDF REPORT REGARDING THE OCT. 7 ATTACK ON OFAKIM

On October 7, 2023, 15 Hamas terrorists from the elite Nukhba force infiltrated Ofakim at approximately 6:40AM. Within 40 minutes, they murdered 33 people – 25 civilians and eight members of Israel's security forces. The attack focused on three streets in the Mishor HaGeffen neighborhood, which Hamas specifically targeted because its homes lacked fortified safe rooms ("mamadim"). The terrorists carried enough arms and ammunition for sustained combat lasting days. Military officials believe the attack was intended to be even more devastating, but some forces originally assigned to Ofakim were diverted, likely mid-operation, to the Nova music festival, potentially sparing Ofakim an even bloodier outcome.

The military investigation, led by Brig. Gen. Oren Simcha, concluded that the IDF failed in its mission to protect Ofakim due to critical lapses in communication, planning, and situational awareness. The closest military unit, troops from the Chaim Laskov Officers Training School (Bahad 1), were dispatched to the wrong location and had to proceed on foot for 30 minutes, arriving more than two hours after the attack began, by which point the battle had effectively ended. There was poor coordination between the IDF, police, and local authorities, and Ofakim had no active emergency command center or real-time intelligence.

The rapid halt to the killing spree was credited to the courage and initiative of local police officers, armed civilians, and a handful of soldiers who acted independently. These local defenders organized a resistance, forming improvised units and engaging the attackers across the city.

A significant event during the attack was the hostage situation involving Rachel* and David Edri, who were taken captive in their home on Tamar Street. This crisis was eventually resolved by Israel's elite Yamam counterterrorism unit, which rescued the couple unharmed after hours of planning and a two-minute breach. The operation was described as the first of its kind for Yamam involving a hostage rescue from a private home since its founding in 1974. Urban warfare challenges were severe, with narrow streets, armed civilians, and a lack of clear battle lines