DAY 506 IN CAPTIVITY • DAY 36 OF THE CEASEFIRE: Nasrallah Buried, Israel Delays Prisoner Release, Israel's Persistent Trauma
Tel Aviv Diary, Febraruy 23, 2025
Today, Hezbollah's infamous leader, Hassan Nasrallah, was finally laid to rest in Beirut. Hezbollah waited until now to conduct the funeral, (five months after his assassination), drawing tens of thousands of attendees. The event simultaneously commemorated Nasrallah and his deputy who replaced him, who was also killed by Israel. With the Iranian Foreign Minister present, Hezbollah aimed to demonstrate its resilience. However, the conspicuous, very public presence of Israeli fighter jets in the sky above the stadium during the funeral service underscored how far Hezbollah and the Iranian axis has fallen.
Throughout the morning, the IAF attacked Hezbollah targets across both southern and northern regions of the country. Circumstances have clearly changed in Lebanon. Today, Lebanon’s President declared that the nation has already paid a high enough price on behalf of others (specifically referencing the Palestinians), and stated that enough is enough. This marks the first time in 40 years that a senior Lebanese official has made such a declaration. Additionally, the Israeli Air Force chose this moment to publish a video showcasing for the first time the bombing of Nasrallah’s headquarters, where he was ultimately killed.
ISRAEL’S DECISION TO DELAY THE AGREED-UPON PRISONER RELEASE
Shortly after last night’s Tel Aviv Diary update was published, the Prime Minister’s office released a dramatic statement, explaining that the release of Palestinian terrorists and other prisoners would be held until further notice, despite them already being aboard buses arranged for their release under the current agreement. As per the statement, the decision to not conform to the agreement was prompted by Hamas's non-compliance, specifically their holding of public ceremonies as part of the hostage release process.
First, there was a security meeting that included all the heads of the Army and Security Forces, where the decision to proceed with the prisoner release was made. Then, in a smaller political meeting that excluded military or security experts, the decision to uphold Israel’s agreement was reversed.
It remains unclear exactly what Israel aims to achieve with its actions. At a basic level, the objective might be to prevent Hamas's planned ceremony upon releasing deceased hostages—in favor of a more direct exchange. Alternatively, Israel could be using this situation as leverage to pressure Hamas into extending the hostage releases for an additional week or two, thereby avoiding a formal step that Netanyahu seeks to avoid.
It is a high-risk strategy—one that could potentially backfire or, more precisely, jeopardize the lives of the hostages—yet it might prove successful. Part of the rationale for this strategy is that government ministers were deeply disturbed after watching a video of the two hostages still captive in Gaza, observing 3 of their fellow hostages being released.
I would feel more confident in the likelihood of success if the decision to delay the prisoner release had been endorsed by the head of the Mossad—or any other official primarily tasked with understanding our enemies. However, we must wait and see how things unfold. US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff is due to arrive in Israel on Tuesday, hopefully to assist in resolving some of these issues.
FATHER OF RELEASED HOSTAGE, HISHAM AL-SAYED SPEAKS OUT
Tonight, the father of Hisham al-Sayed (38) spoke out, condemning Hamas for the treatment of his son. After nearly a decade in captivity under Hamas, Hisham has returned unable to speak, with no memory, leaving his father desperately seeking answers:
Why did Hamas detain his son for nearly ten years, seemingly without any human contact?
How could Hamas treat an Arab-Israeli, a fellow Muslim, in such a manner?
Why have many Arab-Israelis remained silent about the number of their fellow Arabs and Muslims murdered by Hamas—and the treatment endured by his son?
Hisham’s father demanded that they speak out.
Israel's Persistent Trauma
These past few days have been tremendously difficult. It’s hard to fully articulate the extent of the trauma Israeli society has experienced over the past 15 months. The wounds have not healed; at best, a scab had formed. However, the ordeal of the Bibas family has ripped it open, leaving us all bleeding anew. We are reminded, once again of both our failures and of how profoundly they truly hate us.
A friend of mine, who identifies as center-left, shared with me tonight that he heard a member of the Nahal Oz kibbutz say today:
Thankfully, they [Hamas] attacked us and not a settlement in the West Bank, because if they had, we might have told ourselves that they deserved it—meaning, what were they doing there?
That statement resonated with my friend, and he admitted that he too might have once shared the same sentiment. However, he now realizes that such a belief would have been mistaken.
Regrettably, this realization does not bring us any closer to a solution. Before our Zoom call this evening, one of the participants told me, “You need to smile—then we will feel good here in the diaspora.”
I'm sorry, but the truth is that while there may be aspects of my private life that bring a smile to my face, smiling about our national well-being is exceptionally difficult these days.
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib SPEAKS OUT AGAINST HAMAS
Unfortunately (or perhaps not), for those Palestinians who genuinely seek a better future, it also remains a fleeting illusion. Palestinian-American journalist Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib wrote the following post today:
The humiliating failure & decline of “pro-Palestine” activism: For over a year, I warned time and again about the dangers of the neo “pro-Palestine” movement, which, in the aftermath of October 7, has devolved in alarmingly extreme and detrimental ways. I was hounded even by friends and allies, who kept asking why I “felt it was my job to demonize the pro-Palestine movement.” It was shocking how so many journalists, activists, academics, advocates, and observers didn’t see the obvious, the five-alarm fire that was threatening the very future of Palestinian advocacy in the diaspora. The rot and decay within this so-called movement was unlike anything I had ever seen before – and I used to be involved in it ten years ago.
After 10/7, the “movement” refused to acknowledge the criminality of hostage-taking & killing innocent Israeli civilians, condemn Hamas’s actions including against Gazans, call for the terror group to step down, or engage in pragmatic activism and targeted demands for specific outcomes that actually help Palestinians. Now, the “activists” are tone-deaf to the disaster that Gazans face after Hamas’s shameful and embarrassing display of barbarism with the Bibas & Lifshitz bodies’ return fiasco, doubling and tripling down on their fascism, evil rhetoric, lack of basic intelligence, and demonstratively ineffective speech and language that further demonize Palestinians.
I said that student activism was worthless and futile, calls for supporting the “resistance” amounted to endorsing terrorism, real antisemitism was actually growing out of control, and the interests of Palestinians were being harmed. I pleaded with the so-called “allies” of Palestine to correct the horrendous digressions of their partners but was regularly told, “Oh, we can’t tell Palestinians how to resist.” There was plenty of space for authentic pro-Palestine activism, but that required a focus on a radically different outcome that doesn’t entail Hamas, sloganeering, hatred, ignorance, stupidity, or letting ill-informed young people destroy an entire movement. Accepting Israel’s right to safety, embracing the concept of two nations, rejecting violence, and calling for Palestinian rights, while displaying a capacity for empathy, accountability, and agency would have won over vital new partners for peace and justice, especially in Israel.
Rashid Khalidi, Rashida Tlaib, CAIR, Mehdi Hasan, Marc Lamont Hill, and a whole host of intellectuals and journalists sat back and let the movement be taken over by fascists, imbeciles, far-left and far-right personalities, Islamists, and a cocktail of losers who have no business speaking about Palestine, especially the Intifadists and Hamasniks – and don’t you dare tell me these groups are just the minority in the Western diaspora-based movement, for they are an absolutely massive element of what remains of the “pro-Palestine movement.”
Well, congratulations, for Palestine is in ruins, Gaza’s destroyed, none of you have said a word about Hamas, and this movement will forever be looked at as the pinnacle of embarrassment, failure, and wasted opportunities – all while the people of Gaza suffer horrendously, especially for what’s coming next.
And for the record, and to be crystal clear, I want nothing more than to see a rejuvenated, successful, effective, prosperous pro-Palestine movement that can actually do something and leverage Western privilege to be a helping hand for the Palestinian people in the land. But for now, it’s time to get back to the drawing board and start from scratch.
MILITARY DRAFT EXEMPTION LAW
The likelihood of passing a draft law before the approval of a budget is dwindling. At this point, no agreement seems forthcoming. This situation has been exacerbated by a report released by the Finance Minister, which disclosed that each full-time Yeshiva student could represent a financial cost of 700,000 shekels over their time in Yeshiva. It is uncertain whether the ultra-Orthodox community will agree to pass the budget before the implementation of the exemption law they have long been promised. Netanyahu is attempting to persuade Haredi leaders of the benefits of prioritizing the budget's passage to sustain government operations instead of triggering elections.
TODAY’S ZOOM BRIEFING
IDF CHIEF OF STAFF ADDRESSES GRADUATION CEREMONY
At one of his final major public events, outgoing Army Chief of Staff, Herzi Halevi, spoke at the graduation ceremony for combat ground officers. Here is Halevi’s moving address:
Prime Minister Mr. Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Mr. Israel Katz, dear families, commanders, and above all—you, the new officers, the commanders of tomorrow.
When I was a cadet—just like you, thirty-eight years ago—I had to choose a book to read and write about for my commanders in the course. I chose the book “Truth in the Shadow of War” by Yaakov Hasdai, an Israeli hero who fought in multiple wars, including the Yom Kippur War, after which he became a member of the Agranat Commission.
“At that time,” writes Hasdai, “I was deeply concerned when I realized that no serious attempt was being made to understand and analyze the lessons of the war.”
This book left a profound and lasting impression on me and served as a guiding principle in my decision to conduct debriefings even amid a multi-front war, in a focused and thorough manner, allowing for high-quality and in-depth learning. Fear of debriefing is tantamount to a conscious choice of future failure. A debriefing is an integral part of military action—it enables learning and, thus, improvement.
“Criticism,” writes Hasdai, “no matter how harsh, is one of the means of strengthening and building, provided that its purpose is not to undermine and destroy, but to construct and create.”
Every combat commander knows from personal experience that war is no trivial matter. It involves great risks and immense responsibility for the lives of their subordinates. The ability to quickly recover from failure, rise, and move forward again is what transforms a commander into a leader—it is what compels soldiers to follow them without needing to be commanded.
Where human lives are at stake, learning is not optional. Be quick to learn. Be determined to correct mistakes. Seek constructive, strengthening criticism. That is how we operate, and that is what is expected of you as well.
I recall the wonderful people who were with me in officer training, among them Eyal Weiss—an outstanding officer who was later killed as the commander of the Duvdevan unit while fighting terrorism in Samaria. We were close friends: he was a secular Tel Avivian, I was a religious Jerusalemite. His home was different from the one I grew up in, and throughout the course, we had many conversations about it—including with his mother, Malka.
The differences did not create division; instead, they sparked curiosity in me, and I felt that our common ground bridged any disagreements. Like you, we were young, determined soldiers, ready to give our lives for our country.
Like you, we were a reflection of Israeli society. However, unlike you, as young commanders, we were barely exposed to external opinions and considerations. We encountered headlines only in the weekend newspapers, if we happened to go home. But you—you are constantly bombarded with information, alternative truths, and outspoken criticism that deepens divisions regarding your service.
It is neither possible nor advisable to turn back time, but I hope you will learn to examine the issues before you with composure, clarity, professionalism, and discernment—to separate military missions and commanding authority from political disputes.
The Unity of Command … In his vision for the Jewish Legion, Ze’ev Jabotinsky wrote:
This is one of the most beautiful ideas I have ever encountered in my life—that Jews themselves will fight for the Land of Israel.
At that time, a Jewish fighter was a strange concept. Trumpeldor was the exception, not the rule. Jabotinsky’s vision sparked change and laid the foundation for the underground resistance movements, and later, for the IDF.
Today, the idea of a Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) fighter is uncommon, but who says that a modern-day vision cannot become reality? Who says it cannot succeed?The clear security need demands that we recruit as many as possible, as quickly as possible. None of us has the right to pass this problem on to the next generation. The time is now, and it requires bold, decisive decisions.
From its inception, the IDF has upheld leadership from the front. That is how I was trained in officer school, that is how Eyal Weiss fell, that is how we fight today in active service and reserves, and that is how we have achieved significant victories—in Gaza, in Lebanon, in Judea and Samaria, in Syria, and in distant arenas.
Now, more than ever, it is clear to all of us that executing our missions requires sharp-minded, determined, and resourceful commanders.
Be initiative-takers. Know when to charge forward with full force, and when to act wisely and take extra time to assess the problem and devise a solution.
At times, you will find that this distinction is the difference between failure and success. In war, we have seen many such cases—both for better and for worse.
Achieving victories, especially in war, does not mean charging ahead like uncontrolled horses, galloping forward without discernment or a precise objective.
A commander who believes their sole purpose is to charge forward must be prepared to bear the consequences and responsibility of their decisions.
As a general rule, I prefer you to be horsemen—stand tall, hold the reins, and lead wisely into new challenges. If you fall—get back on the horse and return better than before. And above all—never stop thinking. Tactics and professionalism come from thought. Never abandon it.
The Reality of War … We have been at war for over 500 days.
This past week, we were once again reminded of the cowardice of our enemy—who chooses to hide when facing our soldiers on the battlefield, yet brutalizes innocent civilians, from the elderly to infants.
In recent days, we retrieved the bodies of the Bibas children, Kfir and Ariel, along with their mother, Shiri—through deception and unforgivable cruelty—as well as Oded Lifshitz, 83 years old, one of the founders of Nir Oz and a devoted lover of this land.
We bow our heads before the Bibas and Lifshitz families and ask their forgiveness for not being able to bring their loved ones back alive. There are still 63 hostages in captivity, and we will do everything in our power to bring them all home.
The Officers of Tomorrow … Dear families, standing before you in formation are the officers of the future. You look upon them with immense pride—and perhaps some worry. I thank you for the values and education you have instilled in them—Zionism, dedication, and excellence.
To the course instructors, I thank you for the four months in which you guided these cadets, shaping them into skilled officers and quality commanders. Your hard work will be reflected in their performance on the battlefield.
Graduates, you entered officer training in the midst of war, and tomorrow, you will return to the front lines—not just as soldiers, but as officers and commanders, carrying even greater responsibility on your shoulders.
You stand at the beginning of a new path—one in which you will have to apply all the knowledge and skills you have gained over the past months to critical, life-and-death decisions on the battlefield.
I am proud of you for choosing to continue serving as commanders and officers in the IDF—at a decisive moment in our nation’s history. Continue to act with courage and dedication for our people and our land. Carry out your missions successfully and return home safely. We believe in you and have full confidence in your ability to defend our homeland and restore security.
The eyes of Israel are upon you with pride. You are the generation of victory. Go forth and succeed!
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TRAVEL ACROSS ISRAEL
Kibbutz Ein HaMifratz
Our next stop will be at Kibbutz Ein HaMifratz, located just up the road from our last stop at Kibbutz Kfar Masaryk. Today, it has a population of 885.
The core members of the Kibbutz, composed of Hashomer Hatzair members from Galicia, settled in a tent camp in Bat Galim, Haifa, in 1930, where they worked at the Haifa port. The kibbutz founders initially contemplated establishing it an urban kibbutz.
During the Fifth Aliyah (immigration wave in the 1930s), new immigrants from Germany and Poland joined the kibbutz. It moved between several locations until it finally settled about a kilometer south of Acre as part of the “Tower and Stockade settlements” on August 25, 1938.
Hundreds of workers from Haifa Port volunteered to construct the wall and tower. They arrived from Haifa in trucks, horse-drawn carts, and even on camels. They built a double wooden wall, which was filled with sand and gravel. The sand was placed inside using baskets lined with jute sacks. The wall had two gates—one facing the sea and the other facing east. Inside the wall, they erected three barracks and a tower, which could only be accessed by a ladder through an opening in the center of its floor.
The original location was west of the Haifa-Acre road, on private sandy land where they had permission to build. Later, the kibbutz moved to its current location, east of the road. The kibbutz was named “Ein HaMifratz” (Bay Spring) due to its location in Haifa Bay. Other suggested names, which were eventually rejected, were based on its location near the confluence of the Hilazon and Na’aman Rivers.
Upon its founding, the kibbutz faced immediate challenges, including attacks by local groups and environmental obstacles such as saltwater swamps and shifting sands at the mouth of the Na’aman River. Early economic activities centered around mixed farming and fish breeding.
Over the years, Ein HaMifratz has developed a diverse economy. A significant enterprise is I.M.A., a corrugated cardboard manufacturing company established in 1963. Starting as a small workshop, I.M.A. has grown to produce over 80,000 tons of corrugated cardboard annually, holding approximately 25% of the Israeli market and employing over 270 workers from the kibbutz and surrounding areas. Another notable Ein HaMifratz industry is Yamaton Ltd., a honeycomb paper factory operated jointly with Kibbutz Ga’aton. Additionally, Ein HaMifratz maintains a fish farm and operates a shopping mall, contributing to its economic sustainability.
While Kibbutz Ein HaMifratz does not have specific tourist locations, visits to its various factories can be arranged.
Apropos the quote from Mr Alkhatib about his desire to see a rejuvenated pro-Palestinian movement. I’m sorry, I don’t care much about any pro-Palestinian movement. All such movements keep talking about solutions, instead of demanding that the so called Palestinian people take ownership of their own history and their own actions. We all know what they desire. Until they change, I’m opposed to any pro-Palestinian movement, rejuvenated or not