DAY 386 OF THE WAR: Israel Carries Out Successful Strikes on Iran, 13 Israeli Soldiers Killed in Lebanon and Gaza, Rocket Fire From Hezbollah Continues
At 2:30 AM, my son woke me up—just an hour and a half after I had gone to bed—informing me that the attack on Iran had begun and asked if I wanted to get up. For weeks, I had been falling asleep each night, half-expecting to be roused by such news, and now that it was happening, it felt surreal. In those initial hours, little was known. However, it was evident that the Army had alerted major Israeli news networks in advance since their lead anchors were already in the studios, broadcasting late into the night.
Additionally, in a rare move, the Army spokesperson released a pre-recorded statement confirming that we were actively attacking Iran. Typically, such statements are only made after an operation is complete and all pilots are confirmed to have returned safely. This time was different—the reporters indicated that the strikes were still ongoing. In retrospect it’s apparent that the announcement was timed to follow the first wave of attacks had successfully neutralized Iranian anti-air defenses, thus enabling our Air Force to execute subsequent waves without the element of complete surprise.
As best as can be summarized, Israel attacked three different sets of targets in Iran. The primary target, Iran’s anti-aircraft systems, seem to have been largely destroyed. The second set of targets involved missiles that were positioned to strike Israel potentially. Lastly, the operation struck 20 different sites, focusing on Iran’s missile and drone production facilities. Reports also indicate that Israel destroyed a facility essential for producing missile fuel, with some estimates suggesting it will take two years for this capability to be rebuilt.
Israel, I believe, carefully balanced the need for a substantial strike, while leaving Iran room to choose not to retaliate. This approach also aligned with parameters the U.S. administration approved, a critical factor given Israel’s strategic dependencies. From a military perspective, the attack achieved significant results. By destroying Iran’s air defense systems and flying three successive strikes into Iran, the Israeli Air Force sent a clear message: we control the skies over your country, and there’s nothing you can do about it
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While I’m not certain of the exact proportion of missiles destroyed, I believe the impact was considerable. More importantly, the operation successfully eliminated several key missile and drone manufacturing facilities. I am confident that the Ukrainians, as well as Iran’s neighbors, are silently grateful. Those missiles and drones which were being supplied to Russia posed threats to Ukraine but were also supplied to the Houthis, the Iraqi militias, and Hezbollah—all of whom have aimed their weapons at us.
There are some, including opposition leaders Yair Lapid and Avigdor Lieberman, who have criticized the Army for not attacking the nuclear sites or the oil terminals. This restraint was likely influenced by American pressure as well as practical considerations. These critics recall instances when Menachem Begin ordered the destruction of Iraq's nuclear reactor and Ehud Olmert did the same with Syria’s facility. However, those decisions were much more straight-forward. Both cases involved a single, surface-level facility whose destruction could decisively end a nuclear program. In contrast, targeting Iran's nuclear capabilities presents a far more complex challenge.
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As far back as ten years ago, analysts cautioned that attacking Iran's nuclear program would likely only delay it by a year. Today, that program is distributed across numerous sites, many of which are very deep underground. These sites would require days of sustained bombing to inflict significant damage, and even then, the outcome would be uncertain. It's important to remember the scale of the U.S. operation against Iraq, which began with weeks of intensive bombing by an Air Force much larger than that of Israel. Additionally, Israel's tankers, essential for long-range missions, are over 60 years old. Israel is expected to receive a modern tanker in 2026 once the Boeing labor strike concludes.
The Iranians have played down the attack, claiming that Israel failed to strike any substantial targets. This position allows them the option to refrain from retaliating and thus avoid escalating into a full-scale war. They are undoubtedly aware that, with their air defenses—which were never particularly robust—now compromised, Israel has the capability to strike at will. This reality significantly deters Iran from launching attacks against Israel, as it would only expose them to further Israeli strikes.
It's important to understand the strategic shift resulting from the substantial weakening of Hezbollah's capabilities. Previously, Hezbollah’s potential to launch thousands of rockets and missiles at Israel served as Iran’s deterrent against Israeli aggression. With that threat now neutralized, Iran’s long-standing strategy of encircling Israel with “a ring of terror” has been thwarted—at least for now.
It's worth noting a statement from an unnamed Tehran resident, interviewed by an anti-regime newspaper in London, who said,
Israeli warplanes arrived in the area of Teheran took their actions without being disturbed, dropped their bombs. The Islamic regime could not do anything.
Perhaps the most reassuring news this morning is that all our planes and pilots returned safely. In contrast, during the successful 1967 attack that initiated the Six Day War, we lost 10% of our pilots. Last night, we lost none. Notably, four of the combat navigators involved in the mission were women. As I have written previously, this war has conclusively ended the argument over whether women should serve in combat roles.
One final reflection: I never believed that Israel’s retaliatory strike against Iran would influence the U.S. Presidential election. However, some think Israel’s actions might have an impact, in one way or another. If last night’s mission is the extent of what transpires in the next 11 days, I am confident it will not affect the U.S. election. It is fortunate that no one will be able to accuse Israel of influencing the election.
IDF SUSTAINS ADDITIONAL LOSSES
The long-awaited good news received overnight followed a particularly difficult two days in Israel. Simchat Torah was marked by sorrow once again. It wasn't until the day had ended that we learned of a tragic incident: during the early evening, it was announced that four reserve soldiers had been killed and six seriously wounded. A Hezbollah fighter had emerged from a tunnel and thrown a grenade at a group of soldiers. The fallen soldiers were first-class Sergeant (res.) Shuvael Ben-Natan (22) from Rechalim, Master Sergeant (res.) Shlomo Aviad Nayman (31) Mitzpe Yericho, Sergeant Major (res.) Shmuel Harari (35) from Safed, and Warrant officer (res.) Mordechai Haim Amoyal (45) from Lod.
A short time later on, it was announced that Sergeant First-Class Gai Ben-Haroosh (22) from Pardes Chana had been killed in South Lebanon.
The terrible news continued this morning when it was announced that five additional soldiers had been killed in Southern Lebanon. This time, the building that was being used as a Hezbollah logistics hub was hit by a rocket, killing Maj. (res.) Dan Maori (43), from Beit Yitzhak-Sha’ar Hefer; Cpt. (res.) Alon Safrai (28), from Jerusalem; Warrant Officer (res.) Omri Lotan (47), from Bat Hefer; Warrant Officer (res.) Guy Idan (51), from Shomrat; Master Sgt. (res.) Tom Segal (28), from Ein HaBesor. An additional 10 soldiers were wounded in the same attack
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The bad news continued to arrive on Friday afternoon—just an hour before Shabbat—when we received word of another three soldiers killed, this time by an IED in North Gaza, where we were engaged in combat for the fourth time. The fallen soldiers were Captain Barak Israel Sagan (22), from Petah Tiqva; Sergeant Ido Ben Zvi (21), from Shameret; and Sergeant Hillel Ovadia (22), from Jerusalem. The soldiers lost their lives when their tank rolled over the explosive device. It appears that even the typically resilient Merkava tank could not withstand the force of the blast.
CONTINUED HEZBOLLAH ROCKET FIRE
Over the past few days, rocket fire from Lebanon targeted many areas across the country. On Wednesday morning, Tel Aviv residents were once again forced to seek shelter. One rocket landed in a suburb, causing some damage and no injuries. In the afternoon, another salvo sent rockets towards the Tel Aviv region, although they did not reach the city center. While we could hear the distant wail of sirens, our area remained unaffected.
During the long holiday weekend, the North endured numerous rocket volleys. Three people were wounded in Nahariya. On Friday afternoon, a barrage from Hezbollah struck the Muslim village of Majd al-Krum, resulting in two fatalities Arjwan Manaa (19), and Hassan Suad (21), and injuring an additional 20 individuals at a shopping center. Among those, two were very seriously injured, while the others sustained less severe injuries. Despite the fatalities on Friday, only 60 rockets were launched against Israel. The number of rockets increased on Saturday, with nearly 160 rockets fired.
The IDF continues to operate in Southern Lebanon, destroying Hezbollah tunnels and clearing out Hezbollah munitions depots. This morning, the IDF demolished a substantial tunnel system close to the border. It's important to note that these tunnels are carved through solid rock, making the task particularly difficult. Consequently, the size of the explosion was so significant that it triggered an earthquake warning early this morning for all of Northern Galilee.
GAZA
On Thursday, the IDF Spokesman released the following statement regarding operations in Gaza:
Breaking the Hamas siege on Jabalya: Since yesterday, tens of thousands of Palestinians have been moving out of the area; so far, over 20,000 have evacuated, and around 150 terrorists have been arrested.
The military pressure from Division 162 on the area against militants and terror is increasing, while at the same time, the IDF is allowing civilians to evacuate safely through organized routes for their security.
The breaking of Hamas’s siege on Jabalya is evident by the tens of thousands of civilians who have been evacuating the area since yesterday morning, despite Hamas’s efforts to prevent them from leaving. Additionally, over 150 terrorists have been arrested by security forces, some of whom surrendered.
The combat teams of the Givati, 401, and 460 Brigades continue their operations in the area. Alongside this, the IDF, through the COGAT, is in continuous contact with the international community and the health system to ensure the ongoing operation of hospital emergency services by transferring medical equipment and fuel supplies according to the operational situation. The Gaza Coordination and Liaison Administration also coordinates evacuating staff, patients, and escorts.
The pressure on Jabalya continued on Friday when the IDF entered the Kamal Adwan hospital. Based on the numbers released on Friday a total 45,000 civilians have left the area.
IDF CONFIRMS AL JAZERA EMPLOYS TERRORISTS
On Wednesday, the IDF disclosed evidence which proves that a number Al Jazera correspondents were members of Hamas’s military wing or that of Islamic Jihad. One example given was Ismail Abu Amar, who claims to be a journalist and was targeted and injured by the IDF in Gaza a few months ago. The released documents confirm Amar’s involvement in terrorist activities, an association from which Al-Jazeera has attempted to distance itself. These documents, including personnel tables, lists of courses for terrorist training, phone directories, and salary records for terrorists, conclusively demonstrate that individuals like Amar operate as military operatives for terrorist organizations in the Gaza Strip.
There has been some modest movement on the hostages—with the Israeli government attempting to move the needle on the hostage negotiations. Last week, the head of the Shin Bet Security Services traveled to Egypt to meet with his new Egyptian counterpart and discuss potential solutions. Similarly, the head of the Mossad made the same trip today. According to the recent announcement (below), next week, the head of the Mossad will visit Qatar to continue these discussions:
Under Prime Minister Netanyahu's guidance, Mossad Chief David Barnea will travel to Doha on Sunday for a meeting with CIA Director Bill Burns and the Prime Minister of Qatar. The meeting will discuss various options for initiating negotiations for the release of hostages held by Hamas, in light of recent developments.
Amazingly, both Ben-Gvir and Smotrich opposed the meeting and seemed opposed to any negotiations for hostage release.
A RESERVIST SPEAKS OUT
Veteran Israeli journalist Ben Caspit posted the following message written by a combat reservist:
Author’s note: This post was written by a reserve combat officer, preparing to enter Lebanon for the second time, with hundreds of reserve days behind him. I must emphasize that I don’t personally endorse every word in this message 100%, but the importance of what is being conveyed from the out in the field outweighs my minor disagreements with some parts (mainly in the final section concerning the mission in Lebanon).
The reservist stresses: This is not defeatism, nor, of course, a threat of insubordination. This is a depiction of the real situation concerning the conditions of the fighting forces, both active duty and reserves, in the field—especially in light of the inequality in bearing the burden.
Here are the reservist's words:
Hey, political leadership, wake up; we’re collapsing. Enough is enough!!!
Extreme wear and tear, vanishing equality in bearing the burden [of military service], and the sin of hubris that costs lives—A year of war through the eyes of a combat reserve officer.
Wear and Tear
What we see from here, from the entry zones to Lebanon, from guarding the northern border, and from the alleys of Gaza, is not seen from the government cabinet tables. I must stress that the following messages are not intended to lower morale but to reflect a real reality from the ground—a picture I fear is not fully conveyed, but rather ‘filtered’ through senior officers and ignoring significant issues.
The moment for which the reserves have invested the most resources and attention in recent decades has arrived—maneuvering in Lebanon. We wanted to be ready for it, motivated and at the peak of our morale, but unfortunately, it caught us worn out after a justified yet exhausting year in uniform—a crazy, intense year where we set everything aside: businesses, family, children, studies, careers, and vacations. We’ve spent a year in uniform, fighting. As expected, we showed up to win in Lebanon; that’s what the reserves are for, that’s what we trained for, and that’s what this entire system exists for: to serve as Israel’s insurance policy, doing so with love, determination, and pride.
But from here on, it feels like the line has been completely crossed. How much more can we squeeze from this reserve lemon? How long can this imbalance hold before it collapses? How long will this extreme, outrageous inequality in burden-sharing continue? The same brigades, the same numbers, the same faces—again, re-opening depots, equipment checks, training, and missions. From mission to mission, it’s clear that the participation of commanders and fighters is very partial; the field level, the combat level, is worn out. I’m not speaking for myself alone—the low turnout numbers speak for themselves.
Even this resource, which hasn’t stopped giving, has its limits, and it’s been crossed. Voices from the ground are crying out about fatigue, while senior command normalizes between 250 to 300 reserve days per year and continues with recognition talks. Decision-makers need to understand that we’re no longer swayed by rhetoric and that these extreme cycles harm the ranks, the missions, and cost lives. Every round we’re called into is “a historic moment,” the call of the hour, and the war for independence. These recycled phrases no longer move us; they pass us by; we’re numb to them. Over a year has passed. It feels like the army is trying to fight with whoever is willing to show up—with those who absorb and absorb and don’t say “enough! There is a limit!” This time, some of us are getting clear signals from our lives at home: Don’t!
A Personal War, A National Need
My personal war—the surreal situation where you’re pulled away from the routine of ‘regulars’—those people who wake up, get their kids to school, maybe do some sports, have coffee, and go to work, return, watch some TV, meet friends and family—and you? You feel like you’re in a state of war, in a tank or a bush, in the heat or the cold, fighting. This huge dissonance no longer stirs Israeli society; leaving home in uniform to fight while everything around you and at work remains completely normal is both reassuring and alienating—it feels disconnected and unsupported from the street, an individual bearing the burden, an individual going to war. It feels like a personal issue for reservists rather than a public concern. All the medals and “good jobs” from the state are gone, leaving only one thing to do—reach the finish line of this whole event as soon as possible.
Political leadership, focus on increasing the number of serving and combat soldiers, find solutions, and bring more parts of society under the stretcher. The unfairness cries to the heavens. Cancel exemptions and end evasions; the ground needs infantry, armor, and engineering forces. Release us, let us return to our jobs, our lives, our families; let us create stability and continuity and also be ‘regular’ people.
We Won—Finish This
Political leadership, wrap it up, reach settlements and exit points, and keep reserve forces for 2025.
Regarding what’s happening in the north, all infrastructure of contact villages has been destroyed through aggressive and successful moves by maneuvering divisions, truly, kudos. The event we were called up for (again) is over; it needs to be stated clearly—it’s over. From here on, the highest price families might pay—the price of bereavement, loss, and emptiness—will be much greater than any benefit from continuing a ground campaign or another arbitrary action by some division commander. With all due respect and the desire to check off a “psychological victory” box to reassure another regional head or seize one last chance to destroy a few houses in a village, it seems that the purpose here is far from sacred. So, stop the generals now because in terms of cost-benefit, we’re done. There is no need to break apart more families. It’s starting to feel that these maneuvers are becoming devoid of values and clear achievements as we initially felt. Unchecked, irresponsible moves tarnished with the sin of hubris might cost lives unnecessarily.
WIKIPEDIA, HIJACKED
Below is a link to an essential article on the current state of Wikipedia essays about the Middle East. I’ve personally seen how biased Wikipedia pages on Israel have become. Wikipedia frequently appears as the top result in Google searches, making this trend particularly concerning. This should be treated as a “five-alarm fire” because Wikipedia is almost always the first site in Google Search results.
Notably, Google Search and various large language models rely heavily on Wikipedia for generating concise answers and other content. Given Wikipedia’s influence, this is a major concern. Unfortunately, addressing inaccuracies can be challenging. I once attempted to edit an entry, only to find myself blocked for a year after making a single, seemingly uncontroversial correction several months earlier.
The year 2007, marked a distinctive shift in Israeli politics, with developments in early January influencing much of the subsequent events. 2007 kicked off with Ehud Barak’s decision to return to politics, aiming to replace Amir Peretz as head of the Labor Party. Peretz, who had served as Defense Minister during the Second Lebanon war, was widely regarded as being ill-suited for the role, setting the stage for Barak's comeback.
At the time, I wrote:
More importantly, the failure of the War in Lebanon and the refusal of any current military or political leaders to take responsibility for the failure has paved the way for a former military hero to return to the top ranks of leadership. Rabin was a much more successful Prime Minister the second time around. Unlike Barak, who left politics for business in the intervening years, Rabin spent those years as a member of parliament and, of course, as Defense Minister. Let us hope that Barak has learned the right lessons in his time in the political wilderness. Israel, unfortunately, needs Barak because it has learned painfully that it cannot afford politicians without the proper experience making life-and-death decisions.
Another unfolding story was the escalating conflict between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority over control. On January 7, 2007, tens of thousands attended an anti-Hamas rally organized by Mohammed Dahlan, where he accused Hamas of being a tool for Syria and Iran. This was the last time large anti-Hamas rallies were held in Gaza.
January 2007 also saw simmering scandals burst into the forefront of media coverage. A prominent scandal involved the Income Tax Authority, where it was alleged that the current Commissioner, and possibly his predecessor, had secured their positions on the condition that they would appoint others to key posts. The underlying accusation was that these appointments would facilitate preferential tax treatment for the political supporters of certain influential figures. One of Prime Minister Olmert’s closest confidants was potentially implicated, and Olmert himself officially became the subject of investigations when the police recommended probing some of his actions.
Perhaps the most startling scandal broke when Attorney General Menachem Mazuz decided to indict President Moshe Katsav on charges of rape, in addition to accusations of sexual harassment and obstructing an investigation. Katsav had served as President since his unexpected election victory over Shimon Peres in 2000. This represented the most serious accusation ever leveled against a high-ranking Israeli official and perhaps the most severe charge against any incumbent head of state worldwide.
Katsav’s response exacerbated the situation: he delivered an hour-long speech vehemently criticizing the media, police, and nearly every other Israeli institution. The President accused the media and police of engaging in a conspiracy, lynching, and McCarthyism. He claimed that, from the day he was elected, opposition stemmed from an inability of people to accept that “someone like him” could become President, invoking the “ethnic card.” Katsav implied that his eidot hamizrach heritage (he was born in Iran) was a factor in the attacks against him. Much of Katzav’s speech was directed at the Israeli media. Katzav was eventually convicted and went to jail in 2011 and served seven years in jail.
