473 DAYS IN CAPTIVITY • DAY 3 OF THE CEASEFIRE: Terror Attack in Tel Aviv, Army Chief of Staff to Resign on March 6th, IDF Troops Begin Operation in Jenin
Tel Aviv Diary, January 21,2025
TERROR ATTACK IN TEL AVIV
Tonight, a terror attack occurred in Tel Aviv, the second in just three days, with the previous attack taking place on Saturday. This evening, a knife-wielding terrorist targeted patrons at a wine bar on Nachalat Binyamin Street in central Tel Aviv. He managed to wound four individuals before being neutralized by two Israeli commandos. Living nearby, they witnessed the attack, engaged the terrorist, and ultimately killed him.
The terrorist has been identified as Kaddi Abdelaziz, a 30-year-old permanent resident of the United States who arrived in Israel three days ago.
IDF CHIEF OF STAFF TENDERS RESIGNATION
With a ceasefire in place and an agreement reached concerning the hostages, IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi has announced his resignation, effective the first week in March. Halevi took responsibility immediately after the October 7th disaster but indicated he planned to step down at a later time. According to sources close to Halevi, his intention was always to resign once a ceasefire was achieved and an agreement regarding the hostages was in place.
In recent weeks, the so-called Minister of Defense, Katz, had been publicly pressuring Halevi to resign. Halevi reportedly confided to close associates that he planned to step down in March—and, true to his word, Halevi affirmed this in his resignation letter, stating that he would vacate his position on March 6th.
Just minutes after Halevi’s announcement, the Commander of the Southern Command, Yaron Finkleman, also declared his resignation. Halevi will go down in history as the IDF Chief of Staff responsible for both the most significant defeat and some of the most important victories in Israel’s history.
Here is what Halevi wrote:
Subject: Conclusion of My Tenure as the 23rd Chief of Staff of the IDF
For the past four decades, the mission of safeguarding the security of the State of Israel has been my life’s calling. From my early days as a soldier and young commander to my role as Chief of Staff, I have taken pride in being part of the IDF, regarded it as an exemplary organization, and felt the heavy responsibility of being among the defenders of Israel and its citizens.
I was fully aware that upon assuming command of the IDF, I was entrusted with the immense responsibility of ensuring that the military would be prepared to withstand the ultimate test of war, deter its enemies, and where threats were not preemptively neutralized, act as a shield between the enemy and Israeli civilians.
On the morning of October 7, under my command, the IDF failed in its mission to protect Israel’s citizens. The State of Israel paid a heavy and painful price — in lives lost, in hostages taken, and in those wounded both physically and emotionally. The courageous acts of many — security forces personnel, IDF soldiers and commanders, and brave civilians — were not enough to prevent this great disaster. My responsibility for this terrible failure accompanies me every day, every hour, and will remain with me for the rest of my life.
The IDF was able to rise from an extremely difficult starting point and wage an intense campaign for over a year and three months across seven different fronts. The military achievements of the IDF have altered the Middle East.
The IDF inflicted severe damage on Hamas’s military wing, created the conditions for the return of hostages, dealt an unprecedented blow to Hezbollah, and significantly weakened Iran and its regional activities.
The IDF continues to protect the residents of the Golan Heights from within the Syrian buffer zone and has successfully dismantled most of the Syrian army’s capabilities. In the West Bank, the IDF operates effectively every day and night in counterterrorism missions.
These achievements far exceed any goal discussed with the political leadership regarding warfare in each of these arenas, and their significance is even greater given the interconnected nature of these fronts.
These achievements, first and foremost, belong to the IDF’s commanders and soldiers — my subordinates. IDF troops, both in active duty and reserves, from all sectors of Israeli society, stood up to fight this just war, fought with bravery and sacrifice, and emerged victorious in every encounter with the enemy.
These accomplishments came at a heavy cost. We suffered the loss of some of our finest warriors, the bereaved families grew in number, and the war has left deep wounds and scars on many. The IDF will always remain committed to these families and to the memory of the fallen.
The war’s objectives have yet to be fully achieved. The IDF will continue to fight to dismantle Hamas’s governance and military capabilities, to secure the return of all the hostages, and to strengthen the security conditions that will allow the safe return of residents to their homes in the south and north.
The IDF has initiated and implemented an unprecedented and extensive investigation process during wartime, aimed at learning and improving, strengthening combat and defense capabilities, and as part of its commitment to the bereaved families, to the hostages and their families, and to the entire public.
These investigations are thorough, truthful, and in-depth, currently in their final stages, and have already yielded critical lessons that have been integrated into force deployment and military preparedness.
In recognition of my responsibility for the IDF’s failure on October 7, and at a time when the IDF has recorded extraordinary achievements and restored Israel’s deterrence and strength, I request to conclude my tenure on March 6, 2025.
This decision was made long ago. Now, with the IDF holding the upper hand in all theaters of combat and with another hostage return agreement underway, the time has come.
In the time remaining, I will finalize the investigations and continue strengthening the IDF’s readiness for the challenges ahead. This will ensure a smooth and structured transition of command to my successor.
I will always be a soldier of the State of Israel.
Herzi Halevi
Chief of the General Staff
Halevi also spoke to the Israeli public:
Following Halevi’s announcement, politicians from both the government and the opposition expressed their gratitude for his contributions and welcomed his decision to resign. President Herzog also endorsed the decision, thanking Halevi for his service and using the moment to reiterate his call for a National Committee of Inquiry. Netanyahu has consistently claimed that “everyone must be held accountable, including me—but only after the war.” However, considering that Israel has technically been at war with Syria since 1948, it raises the question: Should we wait for peace to examine (and hopefully learn from) the failures of October 7th? Meanwhile, the politicians who are responsible for our policy of funding and building up Hamas as a counterbalance to the Palestinian Authority continue to deny they any responsibility for the events of October 7th.
Speculation is mounting over who will replace Halevi. Currently, the front-runner is Ayal Zamir, the Director General of the Ministry of Defense. Zamir was a leading candidate for the IDF Chief of Staff position when Halevi was appointed but was ultimately not chosen.
WEST BANK
Today, the IDF initiated a major operation in Jenin to combat terrorism. Various reports indicate that this action was triggered by the Palestinian Authority’s failure to effectively combat terror in the region. Others believe it is a proactive measure to curb the escalating threat of terrorism from the West Bank, despite statistical evidence indicating a decline in such incidents. Analysts speculate that the operation could be part of an agreement Netanyahu made with Finance Minister Smotrich to secure his continued support in the government. To date, the operation has resulted in the deaths of 10 Palestinians and the capture of 30. It remains unclear how long the operation will continue.
As we were completing last night’s update, news emerged of an attack on the Arab village of Al-Funduq by extremist settlers. The IDF issued the following statement regarding the incident:
The Commander of the Central Command, Major General Avi Blot; the Commander of the Judea and Samaria Division, Brigadier General Yaki Dolf; the Head of the Civil Administration, Brigadier General Hisham Ibrahim; and the Commander of the Ephraim Brigade, Colonel Natanel Smaka, conducted an initial investigation on-site following the riot incident in Funduq.
The investigation reveals that last night (Monday), dozens of Israeli civilians, some of them masked, arrived late at night in the Al-Funduq area within the Ephraim Brigade sector, set property on fire, and caused damage.
Upon receiving reports, IDF and Israeli Police forces were dispatched to the scene. The civilians threw stones and attacked the security forces. As a result of the events, a joint investigation was launched by the Police Internal Investigations Department and the Military Police Criminal Investigation Division.
From the remarks of the Central Command Commander, Major General Avi Blot, at the scene: “Any violent disturbance undermines security, and the IDF will not tolerate it.”
Two of the settlers sustained serious injuries when they assaulted a policeman and a soldier. None were arrested.
AYMAN ODEH RESPONDS
After the backlash over his tweet welcoming both the release of the hostages and Palestinian prisoners, Ayman Odeh doubled down on his position today with the following statement:
I understand that many people were hurt by my tweet. I realize, unfortunately, that even families of hostages, most of whom I am closely connected to and have supported throughout their struggle, were hurt by it, and this deeply saddens me.
My perspective as a Palestinian citizen of Israel is likely different from the perspective of many Jewish citizens of Israel. While it is clear that many of you tend to focus primarily on Jewish suffering, I see and feel the pain of both peoples. This is simply the reality—not just mine, but that of all Arabs living in this country.
When you watched with excitement the return of the kidnapped young women, innocent of any crime, to the embrace of their mothers, I too watched and was moved. But I also saw yesterday the release of 90 prisoners—or, more precisely, women and minors, boys and girls. These are the prisoners who were released yesterday—the simple truth is that not even a single person accused of murder was released yesterday. Most of the Palestinians released yesterday were not accused of anything at all! Young men and women who were held in administrative detention without even being told what they were accused of.
So yes, although my words may be difficult for you to hear, I am a citizen of Israel who also sees and feels Palestinian suffering—the suffering of the members of my people who live under occupation. At the same time, I also feel the pain of the other people, even if under the current circumstances the occupation is being carried out in their name. As a famous saying goes: “As long as you feel pain, it means you are alive. As long as you feel the pain of others, it means you are human.”
I am a person who feels your pain, and I also live and feel the pain of my people.
Do not succumb to the wave of incitement and distortions.
TRAVEL NEWS
Air France has announced that as a result of the ceasefire, it would resume flights to and from Israel beginning February 25th. British Airways also plans to restart its services, but not until April 5th. We are still awaiting announcements from US airlines regarding their return to the route. Air France will operate a daily flight to Paris, complementing the five daily flights provided by El Al.
ECONOMY
Israel’s public debt stood at approximately 1.3 trillion shekels at the end of 2024, representing 69% of the GDP for that year, according to the Accountant General at the Ministry of Finance. This figure is worse than expected, as the Bank of Israel’s projections at the beginning of the month estimated a debt-to-GDP ratio of 67%. This ratio is considered very high, both in historical terms and in comparison to countries economically similar to Israel, where the debt-to-GDP ratio averages 55.5%.
The surge in debt in 2024 amounted to approximately 172 billion shekels compared to 2023, when the debt was 1.127 trillion shekels. This increase is primarily due to the expensive war, which directly cost 100 billion shekels. This figure is higher than the official deficit, which stood at approximately 136.2 billion shekels. The gap between the rise in debt and the deficit stems from expenditures not included in the deficit, such as spending from the “Compensation Fund” and market impacts (inflation, interest rates, and exchange rates).
The Accountant General, Yahli Rotenberg, emphasized that Israel must begin reducing its debt-to-GDP ratio as soon as possible, even if the defense budget remains high in the coming years. Minister Smotrich added that a balanced and efficient budget is necessary to stabilize the debt-to-GDP ratio.
According to forecasts, the debt-to-GDP ratio is expected to continue rising in 2025 due to the anticipated deficit and projected growth. However, expectations suggest that the ratio will stabilize in 2026, with optimistic estimates regarding the possibility of reducing it further.
BUSINESS
The international fund Owl Ventures, a global leader in the field of educational technologies (EdTech), announced a $10 million investment in the Israeli startup Jotit, which offers “digital paper” that combines the advantages of handwriting with advanced digital tools. Jotit operates in schools across the United States, enhancing the learning environment by reducing administrative burdens, providing advanced handwriting recognition, and offering real-time collaboration tools.
The company has also received recognition from Google, which selected it as one of the top 20 EdTech companies worldwide, with a showcase at the prestigious BETT exhibition in London. MindCET, an initiative by the Center for Educational Technology (CET), which supported Jotit in its early stages, played a key role in connecting the company with Owl Ventures. MindCET emphasizes that its work with startups includes broad support such as pilot programs, connections with schools, and collaborations with other companies in the field, striving to create a comprehensive framework for technological innovation in education.
Yossi Bidetz, CEO of CET, commented on the investment, stating, “This investment strengthens Israel’s position in the global industry and will attract additional investors to the Israeli EdTech sector. Currently, CET and MindCET are representing Israel at the BETT exhibition, and Israel’s prominent place in the field is evident and appreciated. We believe in startups and tech companies in general, and we will continue to invest in the local EdTech industry, providing them with the full support and conditions necessary for success.”
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A PIECE OF HISTORY
2022 ELECTION— Part II; The Current Government
The campaigns of the Arab parties were somewhat successful in mobilizing voters, achieving nearly 55% voter turnout in the Arab sector. However, they ultimately failed to capitalize on this momentum. Leadership disputes led to the fragmentation of the Joint List, with the Balad party choosing to run independently. While Balad came close to passing the electoral threshold, the party ultimately fell short.
Additionally, the two main parties (Raam and the Joint Arab List) refused to sign a vote-sharing agreement (a pact that could have salvaged "left-over" votes, that each party might have received). As a result, nearly 4 potential seats were lost. Had Meretz and Balad both surpassed the threshold, Netanyahu would not have won. The election would have resulted in a tie, which would have led to another round of elections. Consequently, the Arab parties moved from a position of significant political influence in the previous Knesset, to having virtually no influence in the upcoming one.
Next on the long list of election losers is the “Machaneh Hamamlachti” lead by Defense Minister Benny Gantz. This coalition of unified parties was nearly a complete failure. Gantz was largely unsuccessful in attracting right-leaning voters. His unrealistic aspiration to lead a government that would include the Haredim prompted Gantz to attack Lapid more often than Netanyahu. It was unfortunate that Gadi Eizenkot chose to align with Gantz rather than Lapid, where he likely would have had much greater impact.
Yisrael Beiteinu, headed by Avidgor Lieberman lost one seat. However, given that Lieberman served as Finance Minister—a role that has been the death knell to many political careers—the loss of just one seat is relatively minor.
Finally, there is Yair Lapid and Yesh Atid. Lapid chose to run a “Rose Garden campaign,” meaning, he campaigned in the style of a sitting Prime Minister. Instead of engaging in aggressive, “down and dirty” tactics, he focused on demonstrating his competent leadership of the country. When the “alternate/change” government first took office, I thought that many of Netanyahu’s supporters would recognize that leaders other than Netanyahu were capable of effectively running the country—and thus, diminishing the view that Netanyahu was the only viable leader. Unfortunately, this strategy did not succeed.
Despite his evident competency, Lapid simply did not get any recognition for his efforts. Regarding management of the bloc — Lapid desperately tried to persuade Labor party’s Merav Michaeli to run together with Meretz. Lapid even offered to allocate a realistic slot on the Yesh Atid list to a member of the Labor Party, but Michaeli would not budge. Lapid was well aware of the risk of losing one or more of the smaller satellite parties. Just as the campaign was beginning, I emailed one of Lapid’s top advisors and said:
I think the parties to your left may all collapse. For instance, I have a friend who has been voting for the Joint List, but this time, she has had enough of them. She feels that Ayman Odeh has decided he does not want to be part of the real political game. So, she plans to vote for you, and skip those to your left. I find no one wants to cast another “Gevalt” vote for Meretz.
On election day, Lapid likely should have explicitly stated that casting a vote for Meretz was equivalent to voting for him.
Now, on to the victors…
The Likud conducted a somewhat successful campaign. It was essentially a one man show, with minimal meaningful involvement from other party members. The Likud managed to increase its Knesset seats from 30 to 32. The fact that Netanyahu is currently in the midst of a corruption trial seemed to have no impact. Netanyahu supporters remain steadfast, convinced of his innocence. They believe Netanyahu was framed, and that the case against him is collapsing — neither of which have been substantiated.
Bibi supporters keep repeating the mantra, “There is no one like Bibi,” and they believe that to be true. A significant aspect of Likud's campaign strategy was to criticize Lapid for including Arab-Israeli parties in his coalition— and that vilification tactic worked. Additionally, they leveraged the misleading and provocative assertion that the “left-wing” was destroying the Jewish character of the state, which also resonated strongly with their base.
One of the standout winners of this election was the Shas party, led by Aryeh Deri (who has been convicted of corruption on two occasions). Shas increased its representation from 9 to 11 seats, positioning itself as the sole party genuinely concerned with the welfare of the poor. Shas voters perceived the outgoing government's decision to tax sugary drinks and reusable plastic containers as a targeted financial burden. They felt this policy specifically affected their community, which is characterized by large families, and viewed the measure as imposed by a disconnected, secular left-wing government based in Tel Aviv. In retrospect, it was a significant oversight not to allocate the revenue from these taxes to subsidize basic food items, which would have been a tangible form of aid for needy families.
Furthermore, both Shas and UJT (United Torah Judaism) capitalized on claims the Torah world had been under assault by a secular government, which galvanized their base to turn out and vote. Thanks to all these factors, UJT managed to maintain its current representation in the Knesset, even though it is believed that many within their community voted for Ben-Gvir.
Lastly, the major story of the election was the dramatic expansion of the Religious Zionist Movement, which grew from 6 to 14 seats, largely due to the rising prominence of Itamar Ben-Gvir; the one-time Jewish extremist, and clear terrorist background. Netanyahu brokered the original merger between Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotritch, leader of the Religious Zionist Party. That said, it was the television networks' repeated invitations for Ben-Gvir to appear on air that normalized him, leading to a significant surge in his popularity.
The question that has been challenging for someone like myself, living within the Tel Aviv bubble, to answer is — Why? This issue warrants examination on two levels. On one level, Ben-Gvir is the product of a country that is weary of managing the conflict, and would like someone to swoop in and resolve it. Ben-Gvir, known for carrying a pistol and making extreme statements about Israeli-Arabs and Palestinians in the territories, presents a simplistic solution:— i.e. with a little bit of “Jewish power,” we can solve the Palestinian problem.
On a more tactical level, Ben-Gvir received a great deal of support from current soldiers and recently released soldiers — many of whom are frustrated with the regulations on when they are authorized to open fire in the territories and feel Ben-Gvir will be able to grant them greater freedom to fire at demonstrators, rock throwers, etc. Second, Ben-Gvir received strong support from Jews in the Negev (the South) who feel very threatened by Bedouin in their area. Crime perpetrated by Bedouin is a very real problem, and the Israeli police have proven incompetent and do not do much. Ben-Gvir has pledged “to bring law and order to the Negev.”
Ben-Gvir consistently advocates for imposing the death penalty on terrorists and deporting anyone who opposes the State. These controversial, troubling policies are popular with a significant number of Israelis. These provocative stances have led to exponential growth for Ben-Gvir’s party, making it the third-largest in the Knesset.
Netanyahu has created a Golem, and now it is questionable whether he will be able to control it.